The Monroe Doctrine was expressed during President
Monroe's seventh annual message to Congress, December
2, 1823:
December 2, 1823
. . . At the proposal of the Russian
Imperial Government, made through the minister of
the Emperor residing here, a full power and instructions
have been transmitted to the minister of the United
States at St. Petersburg to arrange by amicable
negotiation the respective rights and interests
of the two nations on the northwest coast of this
continent. A similar proposal has been made by His
Imperial Majesty to the Government of Great Britain,
which has likewise been acceded to. The Government
of the United States has been desirous by this friendly
proceeding of manifesting the great value which
they have invariably attached to the friendship
of the Emperor and their solicitude to cultivate
the best understanding with his Government. In the
discussions to which this interest has given rise
and in the arrangements by which they may terminate
the occasion has been judged proper for asserting,
as a principle in which the rights and interests
of the United States are involved, that the American
continents, by the free and independent condition
which they have assumed and maintain, are henceforth
not to be considered as subjects for future colonization
by any European powers. . . It was stated at
the commencement of the last session that a great
effort was then making in Spain and Portugal to
improve the condition of the people of those countries,
and that it appeared to be conducted with extraordinary
moderation. It need scarcely be remarked that the
results have been so far very different from what
was then anticipated. Of events in that quarter
of the globe, with which we have so much intercourse
and from which we derive our origin, we have always
been anxious and interested spectators. The citizens
of the United States cherish sentiments the most
friendly in favor of the liberty and happiness of
their fellow-men on that side of the Atlantic. In
the wars of the European powers in matters relating
to themselves we have never taken any part, nor
does it comport with our policy to do so. It is
only when our rights are invaded or seriously menaced
that we resent injuries or make preparation for
our defense. With the movements in this hemisphere
we are of necessity more immediately connected,
and by causes which must be obvious to all enlightened
and impartial observers. The political system of
the allied powers is essentially different in this
respect from that of America. This difference proceeds
from that which exists in their respective Governments;
and to the defense of our own, which has been achieved
by the loss of so much blood and treasure, and matured
by the wisdom of their most enlightened citizens,
and under which we have enjoyed unexampled felicity,
this whole nation is devoted. We owe it, therefore,
to candor and to the amicable relations existing
between the United States and those powers to declare
that we should consider any attempt on their part
to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere
as dangerous to our peace and safety. With the existing
colonies or dependencies of any European power we
have not interfered and shall not interfere. But
with the Governments who have declared their independence
and maintain it, and whose independence we have,
on great consideration and on just principles, acknowledged,
we could not view any interposition for the purpose
of oppressing them, or controlling in any other
manner their destiny, by any European power in any
other light than as the manifestation of an unfriendly
disposition toward the United States. In the war
between those new Governments and Spain we declared
our neutrality at the time of their recognition,
and to this we have adhered, and shall continue
to adhere, provided no change shall occur which, in the judgement of the competent authorities of
this Government, shall make a corresponding change
on the part of the United States indispensable to
their security. The late events in Spain and
Portugal shew that Europe is still unsettled. Of
this important fact no stronger proof can be adduced
than that the allied powers should have thought
it proper, on any principle satisfactory to themselves,
to have interposed by force in the internal concerns
of Spain. To what extent such interposition may
be carried, on the same principle, is a question
in which all independent powers whose governments
differ from theirs are interested, even those most
remote, and surely none of them more so than the
United States. Our policy in regard to Europe, which
was adopted at an early stage of the wars which
have so long agitated that quarter of the globe,
nevertheless remains the same, which is, not to
interfere in the internal concerns of any of its
powers; to consider the government de facto as the
legitimate government for us; to cultivate friendly
relations with it, and to preserve those relations
by a frank, firm, and manly policy, meeting in all
instances the just claims of every power, submitting
to injuries from none. But in regard to those continents
circumstances are eminently and conspicuously different.
It is impossible that the allied powers should extend
their political system to any portion of either
continent without endangering our peace and happiness;
nor can anyone believe that our southern brethren,
if left to themselves, would adopt it of their own
accord. It is equally impossible, therefore, that
we should behold such interposition in any form
with indifference. If we look to the comparative
strength and resources of Spain and those new Governments,
and their distance from each other, it must be obvious
that she can never subdue them. It is still the
true policy of the United States to leave the parties
to themselves, in hope that other powers will pursue
the same course. . . . |